The Farjam Collection warmly invites you to delve into its Islamic Art Collection, a treasure trove of artistic achievements from the Islamic world. This expansive collection, featuring over a thousand artworks, spans centuries and continents, offering a rich tapestry of cultural and artistic expression.
Our curated selection boasts an impressive range of art forms. Rare manuscripts and vibrant ceramics stand alongside detailed metalwork and exquisite calligraphy. The collection also highlights the beauty and craftsmanship of lacquer and woodworks, showcasing the intricate designs and techniques developed over the ages.
In addition to these, the Farjam Collection proudly presents an array of coins and jewelry, each piece reflecting the economic and aesthetic values of its era. The elegance of glass art within our collection captures the delicate balance between form and function, celebrated throughout Islamic history.
Islamic calligraphy, revered for its aesthetic appeal and spiritual significance, is a cornerstone of our collection. This art form, embodying the divine beauty of the written word, features works from renowned artists whose creations span a diverse spectrum of styles and epochs.
The diversity and breadth of our collection, from manuscripts to metalwork, and from lacquer to ceramics, underscore the rich artistic heritage of the Islamic world. Pieces from Spain to India illustrate the evolution of Islamic art, revealing the unique contributions of various cultures to this vast artistic domain.
Every artwork in the Farjam Collection serves as a window into the past, offering insights into the social, cultural, and religious fabric of Islamic civilizations. These historical artifacts are not only objects of immense beauty but also bearers of stories and traditions that have shaped the world.
Our goal is to nurture appreciation and understanding across cultures through the power of art. The Islamic Art Collection stands as a vibrant testament to the enduring legacy and creativity of Islamic artists, aiming to inspire dialogue and discovery among our visitors.
The Farjam Collection is not merely a museum; it is a vibrant meeting point for art and culture, inviting exploration, learning, and inspiration. Join us on a captivating journey through the art and culture of the Islamic world, as revealed through its lacquer, woodworks, manuscripts, coins, jewelry, glass, and ceramics. Welcome to the enriched and expanded realm of the Farjam Collection’s Islamic Art Collection.
Two Tiraz fragments
Egypt, c.1036–94
Linen, silk, tapestry weave and discontinuous
weft-faced weave, a. 19 x 12 cm, b. 26 x 22 cm
Provenance: Christie’s, London, 23 October 2007, lot 12
Two tiles
Turkey, Iznik, c.1585
Stonepaste, underglaze cobalt blue, green,
and red-bole, 24.5 x 24.5 cm
Provenance: Mesih Mehmet Pasha Mosque, 1585;
Christie’s, London, 13 April 2010, lots 236–7
Three illustrated folios fromthe Nuzhatnama-i ʿAlaʾi of Shahmardan ibn Abu’l Khair Razi (fl. late 11th to early 12th century)
Iran, probably Qazwin, late 16th or early 17th century
Persian manuscript, ink, opaque watercolour and gold on paper,
fol. 24.8 x 16.2 cm.
Provenance: Hagop Kevorkian Collection, nos 2272.52, 2272.54 and
2272.55; Christie’s, London, 12 October 2004, lot 188
Folio from the ‘Blue Qurʾan’ manuscript
Near East, North Africa or southern Iberia, 9th–10th century
Gold on parchment, 28 x 37 cm
Qurʾan 2: 20–26; 15 lines per page
Provenance: Sotheby’s, London, 23 October 2019, lot 107
Two folios from a Qurʾan manuscript in hijazi script
Syria, Egypt or western Arabia, late 7th to early 8th century
Ink on parchment, 32.2 x 24.4 cm (fol. A), and 31 x 25.4 (fol. B)
Qurʾan 12:30–51 (fol. A); 40:66–41:10 (fol. B); 21 and 18 lines per page
Provenance: Christie’s, London, 7 April 2011, lot 10; Sotheby’s, London,
4 October 2011, lot 1
Two karalama albums
Ottoman Turkey, 16th and late 17th centuries
Ink and gold on paper, largest panel 15.3 x 21.6 cm
Provenance: Christie’s, London, 13 April 2010, lot 208.
Two folios from a Qurʾan manuscript
Attributed to Arghun al-Kamili (fl. c.1300–50) and
Muhammad bin Saif al-Din Naqqash (fl. c.1310–50)
Iraq, Baghdad, c.1330–35
Ink, pigments and gold on paper, 37.3 x 27.5 cm
Qurʾan: 39:17–31; 13 lines per page
Provenance: Sotheby’s, London, 14 April 2010, lot 9
Qurʾan: 39: 47–60; 13 lines per page
Provenance: Sotheby’s, London, 14 April 2010, lot 10
Two love letters
Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–96)
Iran, 1880s
Ink and gold on paper, pasted to cardboard, each 22 x 14 cm.
Provenance: family collection by descent
Wooden roundels with the names of the family of the Prophet and the four Rightly Guided Caliphs
Turkey, 18th–19th century
Opaque watercolour and gold on paper laid down
on wood, diam. approx 43 cm
Provenance: Sotheby’s, London, sale L12220, lot 458
A CARVED ALABASTER MIHRAB
Iran, 10-11TH Century ADA Rare And Important Alabaster Mihrab Finely Carved With Arabic Inscriptions In Alabaster, Bordered With Vegetal Scrolls In Relief.
97.6 X 48.5cm.
Provenance
Mahboubian Collection, New York, Prior To 1981 Spink And Son Ltd, After 1981
Last Provenance Sotheby’s London – Sale L08220 – Lot 161
A Rare Lajvardina White-Ground Pottery Bowl
Iran, 14th century
Stonepaste, white glaze, red overglaze, applied gold leaf, diam. 21.5 cm
Provenance: Harvey B. Plotnick, Chicago; Sotheby’s, London,
4 October 2011, lot 37
An important gem-set gold Finial in the form of a Tiger’s Head from the throne of Tipu Sultan (1750-99)
India, Mysore (Seringapatam), made between 1787 and 1793
Gold inlaid with cabochon rubies and emeralds, table-cut diamonds;
h. 8.4 cm, weight 346 g
Provenance: Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Bowser (1749‒1893);
Bonhams London
This gold tiger head set with gem stones is one of the finials from
the octagonal gold throne of Tipu Sultan (r. 1782‒99), the ruler of
Mysore. The object is made of gold sheet laid over a resin core,
finely smoothed and burnished, and inlaid with three colours of
gems. The collar is set with two bands of small cabochon rubies
framing a band of larger foiled emeralds. The gold surface of the
head is stippled with finely punched dots, as are the projecting gold
ears. Diagonally placed tiger stripes known as babri (babr means
tiger in both Persian and Urdu) are arranged around the head, set
with alternating table-cut diamonds and foiled cabochon rubies.
Larger rubies create the eyes and the projecting tongue; the teeth
are set with diamonds. Smaller rubies are set into the whiskers
and eyebrows and dotted along the nose; a large emerald appears
between the eyebrows.
During his rule Tipu Sultan, also known as the ‘Tiger of Mysore’,
adopted the tiger as his personal emblem. In 1787, after he
declared himself Padshah (emperor), he ‘directed the formation
of a throne of gold, ornamented with jewels of great value in the
shape of a tiger’.50 In 1799 he was defeated by the British forces,
his palace at Seringapatam was sacked and over the following year
his treasures were distributed. The throne was broken up at this
time, but descriptions and watercolours of it have survived, the
most accurate being a bird’s eye and a frontal view sketched in
1799 by Captain Thomas Marriot (1773‒1847), an eye-witness to the
looting. This inspired Anna Tonelli to paint a watercolour showing
Tipu Sultan on the throne.51 A life-size tiger stood at the front of
an octagonal platform with eight tiger-striped legs with claw feet
supporting it. A low balustrade surrounded the platform, and eight
jewelled tiger head finials were attached to the angles, with a pillar
at the back supporting a canopy surmounted by a bird.
After it was appropriated the throne was stripped of its gold
coating, which was cut up into equal shares and given to the
subalterns, and other parts were sold.52 In 1800 the jewelled bird
was presented to George III (r. 1760‒1820), and in 1831 the large
tiger’s head was presented to his son William IV (r. 1830–7) by
the East India Company.53 Of the eight tiger’s head finials, the
location of four is known today: alongside the present example,
one is in the Clive Collection at Powis Castle;54 another was
acquired by Surgeon-Major Pultney Mein, possibly in the auction,55
and the fourth, which in the eighteenth century was in the
possession of Lord Wallace, has most recently been in the Al Thani
collection.56 MG
A DRAWING OF A KNEELING YOUTH HOLDING A CUP AND BOTTLE
Iran, Isfahan, 1620s
Opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, 18.8 x 10.7 cm
Provenance: Sotheby’s London, 14 April, 2010, lot 66
D0230
In the 1620s Riza-yi ʿAbbasi produced a series of portraits, mostly of
men, which combine drawing in black ink and polychrome painting.
He had experimented with this technique around 1600 before he
abandoned the Safavid court library, but shortly afterward spent
seven years, 1603–10, making drawings of dervishes and other
men unconnected to the court. Returning to the royal fold, Riza
painted manuscript illustrations and portraits of figures whose richly
brocaded robes and substantial bodies came to typify the Isfahan
style of the first half of the seventeenth century. Presumably the
abandonment of the wispy physiques of the late sixteenth century
reflected an improved economy and more abundant food. The
population literally gained weight, and fashions changed.83
Many details of this kneeling youth offering a cup of wine to
an unseen recipient have parallels in other works by Riza in this
technique. The man’s purple turban with gold stripes appears in
‘Page in a lilac turban’ of c.1620–23,84 while the kneeling pose and
placement of the figure’s feet and glimpse of the lining of his robe
are the same as in the ‘Kneeling servant’ of c.1630.85 The abrasion on
the nose, mouth and left eye of the ‘Kneeling youth’ complicate the
attribution to Riza. Additionally, the inscription describing the sitter
as ‘khan-e khita’, a khan of the land, is written by a different hand
than the signature and is somewhat ironic, considering that the
figure strikes the pose of a servant. The youth may well have served
at court, as many sons of important men did, but he most likely had
not yet attained high political status. Since the signature of Riza in
all its forms was copied by many other artists in the seventeenth
century and later, it is not always a reliable means of authenticating
his work. Nonetheless, these inscriptions demonstrate the stature
of Riza as a leading painter at the court of Shah ʿAbbas I, who
developed a host of ideas that informed Persian pictorial art for
much of the later Safavid period and captured its zeitgeist. SC
‘Isfahan’ carpet
Iran, probably Isfahan, probably late 17th century
Cotton warp and weft, wool pile, 340 x 160 cm
Provenance: Collection of William J. McAneeny, Detroit;
Christie’s New York, 20 April 2010, lot 203
P0735
This carpet is a typical example of the very large group of surviving
seventeenth-century works once known as ‘Indo-Isfahan’ carpets.
The weight of scholarly opinion now names central Iran, probably in
the neighborhood of Isfahan, as the place of origin of these carpets,
due in part to their cotton warps having four distinct ply elements,
rather than the more numerous plies we now associate with Indian
weaving.249 The colouration with a mulberry-red field ground and
a dark blue border, the rather sparing use of undyed white wool
in the pile, and the somewhat coarse knotting all distinguish this
group of carpets, in contrast to the ‘vase’ carpets of Kirman, as a
less expensive and consequently far more numerous and widely
distributed product of Iranian weaving during the later years of the
Safavid dynasty. As with the ‘vase’ carpets, the ‘Indo’ carpets were
produced in a wide range of sizes, but mostly in the same long
format seen here. A few rare examples were produced in medallion
design layout, but the majority exhibit this typical network of
blossoms, leaves and cloud-bands on a vine network.
Probably because large quantities of such carpets appear to have
been woven in the first place, many examples have survived, and
the Gilded Age mansions of many American millionaires exhibited
such carpets in significant numbers on their floors. In their time
of creation such carpets were probably direct competitors in the
marketplace with the equally large number of Turkish carpets
produced in the Ushak area during the seventeenth century. Their
relatively muted colours were apparently thought more suitable as
a setting for the French and English period furniture also preferred
by the North American super-rich at the end of the nineteenth
century. WD
AN IMPORTANT SELJUQ SILK SAMIT ROBE
Iran, Seljuq, second half 11th century
Silk, weft-faced compound twill (samite), h. 137 cm
Provenance: Sotheby’s London, 6 April, 2011, lot 314
M0102
Woven with cream, brown and magenta silk threads, this longsleeved
robe comprises at least nine pieces of fabric sewn together.
It opens in the front at the centre of the neck, and would have
closed at the right on the waist with ties and a sash. The skirt
flares at the sides from the waist, which would have enhanced its
owner’s comfort while riding a horse. The decorative pattern on
the robe consists of rows of roundels containing confronted birds
with parrot-like heads and a central, stylised palmette tree. Small
lozenges with two pairs of green birds fill the interstices between
the roundels.69
Except for a group of silk textiles verifiably found or excavated
at the Seljuq city of Rayy,70 and a few pieces that have been
radiocarbon-dated,71 many pieces in the corpus of this group
of Seljuq fabrics are without provenance or inscriptions
naming historical figures. Nonetheless, the style of the textiles
demonstrates the continuing popularity and efficacy of the
repeating medallion motif in Seljuq silk-weaving. Under the Seljuqs,
epigraphic, vegetal or plain bands replaced the earlier Soghdian
pearl surrounds of M0053 and M0105/cat. 139. Additionally, a more
limited palette of two or three colours characterises Seljuq silks, and
suggests that in response to the high demand for these luxury items
the weavers based their choice as much on the rapid production of
these silks as on aesthetic considerations. Not only did rulers and
amirs present robes to other potentates and their retinues in vast
numbers, but also the affluent class of Seljuqs projected their status
through their luxurious apparel and belongings. Although a number
of Seljuq silk robes served as burial clothes, they undoubtedly
would have been worn by their owners as emblems of wealth and
status before they were buried with them in their tombs. SC
A Ka’ba Curtain (Burqa’) Ordered by the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II
Ordered by Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808–39)
Turkey, Istanbul, or Egypt, Cairo, 1244/1828–29
Silk, silver and silver-gilt embroidery, 558 x 268 cm
Provenance: Bonham’s London, 2 April 2009, lot 110
M0070
The Kaʿba, the cubical structure in the courtyard of the Great
Mosque of Mecca, is the focal point for the daily prayers of all
Muslims. In addition, Muslims on the pilgrimage to Mecca, the
Hajj, circumambulate the Kaʿba. Since the beginning of Islam
in the seventh century and in pre-Islamic times, the exterior of
the building and parts of its interior were draped with textiles,
presented by kings and other prominent people. From the ninth
century on, the covering on the walls has consisted of plain black
cloth (kiswa) with an embroidered band (hizam) in a contrasting
colour about ten metres above ground level.361 Over the door to
the interior is a curtain (sitara or burquʿ) and inside textiles cover
the walls. Within the mosque sanctuary another textile covers the
Maqam Ibrahim, the place where Abraham stood to pray.
Following the death of Muhammad in 632, the caliphs who
succeeded him ordered textiles for the Kaʿba from Egypt, both as
a sign of piety and to signal their control of Mecca. Thus, when the
Hijaz region of Arabia came under Mamluk (r. 1250–1516) or Ottoman
suzerainty (r. 1516–1924 in Arabia), the organisation and production
of textiles for the Kaʿba changed jurisdiction. Two of the three
textiles in this entry were made during the Ottoman period, most
likely in Istanbul, while the third is from Saudi Arabia, which became
a nation in 1932 and subsequently began to fabricate the textiles
donated to the Kaʿba.
The earliest of these textiles (M0070) is a curtain that would have
hung over a door. It has a vertical slit through which people could
pass. It is covered with bold thuluth inscriptions in gold-couched
embroidery on a black or green ground and silver on a gold ground.
From the top line down, they are:
1. Sura 112, al-Ikhlas, in two cartouches, plus three roundels
with ‘God is my lord’ on the right and left and ‘God is
sufficient unto me’ in the centre
2. Bismallah followed by Sura 1, Fatiha, in the cartouches in the
right and left border
3. Bismallah in mirror writing in four cartouches
4. Sura al-Baqara, 2:255, the first half of the Throne verse and
in the roundels, as in number 1
5. Bismallah and the first half of sura al Fath, 48:27
6. The second half of 2:255 in two cartouches plus two
roundels as in row 1
7. Two large roundels with sura 112 and Allah and Muhammad
in the centre, the bismallah in the border cartouches, and on
a green ground in the centre, the dedication of the curtain
from Sultan Mahmud II son of ʿAbd al-Hamid I in 1244
8. Bismallah and start of surat al-Quraish, 106
9. The shahada in two cartouches
10. ‘Muhammad is the messenger of God’ in two cartouches
11. ‘There is no god but God, the supreme power, the lucid’
on the right and ‘Muhammad is the messenger of God, the
truthful, the faithful’ on the left; In the border around the
door slit, sura 112.
The layout of the inscriptions and the size of the curtain suggest
that it was designed for the main door into the interior of the Kaʿba.
A number of similar versions of this textile are held in private and
public collections. Many more would have existed, but a custom
developed of cutting them up when they were exchanged for
new Kaʿba coverings and presenting them to dignitaries who were
pilgrims to Mecca. The second door covering dates to the early twentieth century,
from the waning days of the Ottoman empire. Its size indicates
that it was destined for the door leading from the interior of the
Kaʿba (the Bab al-Tawba). Access to the interior was allowed at
specific times so pilgrims would have seen the cloths covering the
Bab al-Tawba. The decoration on this cloth consists of four large
cartouches and one small cartouche, set within a border containing
rosettes and stylised leafy vine motifs. The combination of sixpetalled
rosettes in an interlace border alternating with leaf and
vine motifs is the same as that found on a sitara made for the Bab
al-Tawba in Cairo in 1895–96.362 Likewise, the Metropolitan Museum
textile contains the same arrangement of inscription cartouches.
Although dates of the two textiles fall in the reigns of successive
Ottoman sultans, ʿAbd al-Hamid II (r. 1876–1909) and Muhammad V
(1909–18) were brothers and likely to have used the same people to
produce the door coverings that they donated to the Kaʿba.
The inscriptions enclosed in cartouches of red and gold silk in the
Farjam textile are the Bismallah, followed by part of sura al-Aʿnam,
6:54, regarding God’s forgiveness. The fifth line mentions that this
sitara is donated by Sultan Muhammad V. Unlike the Metropolitan
Museum sitara, the space below the inscriptions has been left
undecorated. The third textile in this group, called a samadiyya, would
have been placed on the exterior kiswa of the Kaʿba, below the
embroidered band. Its style of couched embroidery, its use of silver
and gilt silver thread on a black silk ground, and features such as the
leaf motifs in the corners, all conform to the kiswa cloths destined
for the Kaʿba. The inscription is in quarters with the Bismallah and
the phrase, ‘God the Eternal’, which are echoed in the central design
of ‘Ya (Oh) Allah’ repeated four times. Given the survival of the
tradition of clothing the Kaʿba in precious cloths,363 the adherence
to the technique and style of the Ottoman period after the end of
their dominion in Arabia is no surprise. Like the kiswa of today, this
piece was produced in Arabia. SC
AN IMPORTANT IZNIK POTTERY TILE DEPICTING THE KA’BA
Turkey, Iznik, 17th century, includes possible date
1[0]88/1677–78
Stonepaste, opaque white, blue, green, red and black underglaze,
transparent colourless glaze, 30 x 30 cm
Provenance: Private collection, Denmark, 1960s. Sotheby’s London, 9 April
2014, lot 169
J0279
This tile presents a bird’s eye view of the Masjid al-Haram (the Holy
Mosque of Mecca) with the Kaʿba in the centre, the focal point of
the Hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca. Ceramic tiles painted with images
of the Haramayn, or ‘the two sanctuaries’ of Mecca and Medina
were produced from the mid-seventeenth to mid-eighteenth
centuries in Ottoman Turkey.350 Tiles such as these may have been
bought as pilgrimage souvenirs and then mounted on the wall as a
reminder of Mecca. Certain tiles have been set into the qibla wall of
mosques as a further way of focusing attention on the direction of
prayer; others were displayed in a domestic setting.351
In this schematic view, the Kaʿba is shown within an enclosed area
in the centre, while around the outer edge is an arcade denoting the
walls of the sanctuary. Key structures depicted, such as the minbar
of the Prophet and the Black Stone itself, are marked out with
calligraphic inscriptions, much like images of Mecca in manuscripts
(see A0087/cat. 98) and Hajj certificates. The minarets are all inside
the sanctuary and point inwards towards the Kaʿba; therefore, those
in the four corners are set at a diagonal angle. Another particular
feature of this tile is the addition of pairs of jugs, probably to
represent the containers of zamzam water, the drinking of which
is one of the rituals of Hajj. A tile painted with a representation of
Mecca in the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo, dated 1074 /1663, also
features jugs, and the colour scheme of greens and red tallies with
this tile.352 However, the closest comparable tile is one in the David
Collection, dateable to c.1660–03, which shares the same overall
design of minarets set at an angle inside the sanctuary and similar
jugs with tall necks.353 These visual comparisons suggest that the
Farjam tile is also dateable to 1660–03. Notably, however, it bears
the number 188, which may be the date 1[0]88 or 1677–78, and tiles
such as these were produced until the mid-1670s; alternatively, it
could be some kind of production number. ES
A monumental Nishapur imitation lustre pottery dish
Iran, Nishapur, 10th century
Earthenware, white and brown slip, transparent colourless glaze,
h. 12.5 cm., diam. 42.8 cm.
Provenance: Harvey B. Plotnick, Chicago; Sotheby’s London,
4 October 2011. Lot 8
Published: Pancaroğlu 2007: 76–77, no. 34
J0252
One of the distinctive styles of Samanid ceramics is imitation
lustreware, a simulation of the luxury tablewares of the Abbasids
produced in Iraq in the tenth century. In bowl J0271 the frontal
view of an enthroned figure holding a goblet in his right hand and a
leafy twig in his left, flanked by two peacocks, draws on two popular
motifs of Abbasid lustreware ceramics – drinkers and peacocks.
Because Samanid potters had not mastered the recipe for lustreware,
which required applying copper oxides to the tin-opacified white
glazed surface for a second firing, they imitated it with brown slip.
Although they did not achieve the glittery surface of lustreware, they
skillfully adapted the human and avian subjects, stippled contour
panels and scalloping on the rims of Abbasid ceramics.340 The word
baraka on its base, and the exterior wall decoration of circles and
rows of dots, are borrowed directly from Abbasid ceramics of which
a range of examples was excavated at Nishapur.341
The peacocks and drinker on this bowl could have had multiple
meaning for its tenth-century users. The images of the seated
drinker that are common in early and medieval Islamic metalwork
and ceramics are associated with enjoyment and courtly pastimes
such as hunting and musical entertainments. Likewise, peacocks
have paradisiac connotations, but in this bowl may be included as an
allusion to beauty and pleasure. While a bowl of this size most likely
would have held food, not wine, the drinker and peacocks may have
been intended to enhance the satisfaction of consuming delicious
food by emphasising the social aspect of dining and drinking and the
enjoyment of an idyllic setting, as symbolised by the peacocks.
Two warriors face off with shields clashing in the centre of bowl
J0252. The figures, the quadruped above them with a long, leafy
tail, and the stylised palmettes beneath the shields, are silhouetted
on the white ground. The strange-looking eyes and noses of the
figures represent an awkward attempt to represent their profiles,
emphasising the extreme abstraction of the human visage. The
exterior decoration consists of roundels containing criss-cross and
dot designs and joined to one another with undulating vine scrolls.
The relationship of warriors to banqueting is enshrined in the
Iranian idea of bazm and razm (feasting and fighting). The reward
for engaging in battle would be the feast that followed. The large
size of the bowl reinforces the imagery of the bowl as worthy of a
grand dinner for many people, even it was not actually used after
a battle or military exercise. Nonetheless, martial skills could be
celebrated as one of the desiderata of the prosperous owners of
such ceramics. SC
A FINE ABBASID POTTERY BOWL WITH KUFIC INSCRIPTION
Iraq, 9th century
Yellowish body, opaque white tin glaze, cobalt blue in-glaze, diam. 19.9 cm
Provenance: Geneva Collection; Harvey B. Plotnick, Chicago; Sotheby’s
London, 4 October 2011, lot 3
Published: Pancaroğlu. 2007:
J0249
In the ninth century Iraqi potters began to produce ceramics with a
tin-opacified white glaze. These wares have long been assumed to
have been inspired by Chinese white wares that were transported
to Iraq as part of the maritime trade between the Middle East, India
and China. The shape of the bowl, with its slightly flaring rim and
low foot, relies on Chinese prototypes while the cobalt blue Arabic
inscription represents a local Abbasid innovation. Although some
inscriptions of this type are signatures, the kufic writing on this bowl
reads ‘Among what was made, he made it’, a pseudo-signature that
leaves the maker unnamed.329 The size and shape of the bowl are
appropriate for individual, as opposed to communal, use for eating
solid food or drinking soup or liquid stew.
The platter J0269, with a shallow bowl, wide everted rim and
three feet, presents a variation on the decoration of the bowl. The
centre of the dish is adorned with an abstract ornament resembling
a vase with trailing leafy shoots, a roundel with leaf designs, and
another vase-like motif surmounted by wings decorated with rows
of hatching alternating with rows of blue dots. Green glaze applied
to the rim and dripping into the cavetto demarcates four quarters
of the surface. Whether Abbasid wares with drips of green glaze are
an imitation of Chinese ceramics with green glaze dots and drips
has been a subject of scholarly discussion.330 Yet among the finds
of Chinese fragments at Siraf, an important early Islamic port on
the Iranian shores of the Persian Gulf, are several sherds of ninthcentury
Chinese glazed stoneware with green splashes.331
Unlike the bowl, the platter would have been employed for
serving food. Resting on its tripod feet, it would have allowed for
juices to run into its bowl, while guests could reach foodstuffs such
as kebabs on their sticks from different sides. The green drips of
glaze in a sense echo whatever gravy or juice might have pooled
in the platter’s centre. More than pottery made to be admired for
its refined shape, colour or inscriptions, these wares enhanced the
experience of dining and introduced the blue and white palette
to Islamic ceramics that retained its popularity into the nineteenth
century. SC
A FATIMID CARVED ROCK CRYSTAL BOTTLE
Egypt, second half of 10th century
Rock crystal, h. 7.9 cm
Provenance: Christie’s London, 7 April 2011, lot 82
J0245
Rock crystal objects were produced in substantial quantities under
the Fatimids (969–1171) in Egypt, where they were admired and
collected for their purity and translucency.25 Rock crystal is the
purest kind of quartz, and is found in many places across the world.
A contemporary traveller, Nasir-I Khusrau, writing in the mideleventh
century, records that the Fatimids had begun sourcing rock
crystal from the Red Sea rather than the Maghreb.26 As has recently
been proposed, the trade in rock crystal in the Abbasid and Fatimid
periods, from the ninth to the twelfth century, was controlled
by Iranians and Arabs in the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, where the
entrepots included Muscat, Sohar, Siraf, Basra, Aydhab and Qusair.27
However, the source of the rock crystal was Madagascar, where it
was mined and sent to East African ports, such as Dembeni, to be
shipped to Basra and, later, Cairo.28
This bottle has a cylindrical body with a slightly flaring neck and
a shorter, sharply angled foot.29 The process of fashioning a shaped
vessel such as this from a block of rock crystal was a laborious and
delicate task. As Pilz has demonstrated, rock crystal craftsmen fell
into two categories: those making objects such as ewers for the
Abbasid and Fatimid caliphs, and those producing large numbers
of small objects such as this flask for the market.30 According to Pilz,
the craftsman would first complete the decoration on the exterior
of the flask using a bow lathe31 and polisher, and then hollow
out the vessel with a form of cylindrical abrasive drill.32 The main
body of this bottle is carved with four palmettes in a reciprocal
arrangement. The decoration resembles relief-cut glass, a technique
that is thought to have developed in tandem with that of carving
rock crystal. Bottles such as this were probably used to contain kohl.
A number of small bottles or flasks survive, most with similar narrow
necks, including so-called molar flasks (J0232/cat. 130).
A key source on royal Fatimid material culture is the Book of
Gifts and Rarities. This anonymous account includes a record of
the dispersal of the Fatimid treasury after it was plundered in
1062 as a result of a major political crisis. The treasure included a
reported 36,000 rock crystal vessels.33 Many of these objects were
subsequently brought to Europe along pilgrimage or trade routes
where they were collected by church treasuries, being considered
ideal for the display of relics.34 ES
